He is one of the famous American early China scholars. He has experienced a lot in his life. He is not only an expert on China, but also has served the American government for many years, and participated in the research and formulation of American China policy as an important party. Hui Ting entered the research field in China in the early 1950s. She visited Taiwan Province Province, Hongkong and Japan on 1953- 1955, and joined RAND Corporation on 1957. The analysis papers on Sino-Soviet relations published in this period are still hanging on the official website of RAND Corporation. From 196 1 to 1966, Whiting worked in the State Council, USA; 1966 to 1968 as deputy consul general of the U.S consulate general in hong kong; He returned to academia from 1968, and served as a professor of political science at the University of Michigan and the University of Arizona respectively, during which he served as an adviser to the National Security Council and a national adviser to US-China relations. From 65438 to 0993, Professor Whiting was promoted to the position of Professor of Political Science at the University of Arizona. He is an undisputed expert on China's diplomatic issues, and is recognized as a "first-class expert on China" by American academic circles, with great reputation and influence at home and abroad. Among the early China scholars in the United States, Whiting was the first scholar who advocated understanding China from the perspective of China. In addition, as a witness and party to the change of American government's China policy, Whiting has made indelible contributions to the normalization of Sino-US relations. Whiting's multiple identities and achievements in many aspects make him of great research value. This paper chooses Whiting and his research achievements in China as a case study. First of all, from the background of the rise and development of Chinese studies in the United States, this paper expounds the value and significance of Whiting China's research. Secondly, based on the theories and methods of history and international politics, this paper makes a comprehensive discussion on Hui Ting's growth background, academic achievements and historical management characteristics by using the method of literature analysis. The full text is divided into six chapters. The first chapter introduces the significance of the topic, Hui Ting's personal experience and academic achievements, the research status of Professor Hui Ting at home and abroad and the research ideas of this paper. The second chapter mainly introduces the international and domestic background of Hui Ting's research on China and the basis of academic research, including Hui Ting's growth experience, schooling experience, how to become attached to China studies and embark on the academic road of Chinese studies. The third chapter to the fifth chapter is the main part of the paper, which combs, introduces and comments all the research results of Huiting. The third chapter mainly expounds Hui Ting's research on Sino-Soviet relations during the period of 19 17- 1949, which is one of the starting points and key points of Hui Ting's academic research. Taking the power struggle between China and the Soviet Union around the Middle East Railway as the breakthrough point, he studied the Soviet Union's foreign policy toward China in the 1920s before the founding of New China, and the struggle between China and the Soviet Union for this strategic location in Xinjiang. He pointed out the imperialist means under the cloak of Soviet imperialism and denied the Soviet Union's selfless view. The fourth chapter discusses the achievements of Whitehall's research after it was extended to the field of China's foreign policy research. He believes that during the 1950 Korean War, China did not make a plan to put the China People's Liberation Army into the Korean War in advance, and China's sending troops was basically China's "decision", which was made under the condition of warning the United States in advance that it was invalid; Similarly, there is no indication that the Indian leadership decided to go to war before the 1962 border war between China and China. Only when China sent some deterrent signals to India to prevent its "advance" from being invalid did it send troops flatly. Although China took military measures to solve the problem, it minimized the possibility of escalation. 1964 During the Vietnam War, Whiting believed that during the gradual expansion of the Vietnam War, China's warnings to the United States from time to time were accompanied by military preparations. China's series of actions have achieved results, and finally the United States has avoided the dangerous consequences and possible war escalation caused by attacking bases in China while bombing North Vietnam. In a word, Whiting came to a conclusion different from the mainstream view in the United States: People's Republic of China (PRC)'s use of force is mainly reactive and defensive, and it is entirely for the purpose of deterrence. The fifth chapter discusses the work that Whiting has done to promote the normalization of Sino-US relations since 196 1 entered the State Council. The breakdown of Sino-Soviet relations provided a rare historical opportunity for the normalization of Sino-US relations, demonstrated the necessity of the normalization of Sino-US relations, and made public opinion preparations for the normalization of Sino-US relations with other China scholars who supported the normalization of Sino-US relations. Advise President Nixon's visit to China, comment on the biggest obstacle to the normalization of Sino-US relations-the issue of Taiwan Province Province and the positions of the United States, China and Taiwan Province, and propose to realize Sino-US relations in a "Japanese way". Finally, the sixth part is the conclusion of the paper, which summarizes the academic achievements and characteristics of Whiting's research on China and the limitations of Whiting's research on China as an American.